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马丁-路德-金:“我有一个梦想”

学段年级: 高中一年级
科目: 英语
学期/版本: - 上学期 通用版
单元章节:
课程提供者: 2014/1/11 15:12:18林霄
课程介绍
马丁-路德-金发表讲话:“我有一个梦想”   1862年,美国总统林肯颁布《解放黑人奴隶的宣言》。然而100年后,美国广大黑人仍未获得平等和自由。他们为争取与白人同等的权利进行了不懈的斗争。   1963年4月初,伯明翰市的黑人在马丁-路德-金博士和南方基督教领导人大会的领导下,燃起了争取自由的斗争烈火。他们采取游行、请愿、静坐等示威活动,要求消除在商店、餐厅、学校和就业方面的种族歧视。但遭到地方警察当局的镇压。   5月初,发生了警察用警棍、警犬等对付手无寸铁的示威者的伯明翰事件。它引起了全国各地黑人的愤慨和国内舆论的关注。此后,民权抗议活动迅速扩大。由于民权运动的高涨,肯尼迪总统提出了一个比较进步的民权法案,但遭到保守主义分子的反对。   正当国会在辩论该民权法案时,1963年8月28日,美国群众开始了“为工作和自由向华盛顿的进军”。来自美国50个州的20多万黑人以及白人举行了华盛顿有史以来规模最大的示威。上午11时,游行队伍从华盛顿纪念碑出发,分成两路纵队,行进到林肯纪念堂,他们提出了“立即自由”、“我们要工作”、“我们为立即成为一等公民而进军!”等口号。马丁-路德-金、菲利普-伦道夫等黑人领袖向示威群众发表演说。华盛顿自由进军把黑人运动推向了一个新阶段。
课程目录
1 、
观看视频

观看视频,体会语言和情感。

2 、
中文演讲稿

今天,我高兴地同大家一起,参加这次将成为我国历史上为了争取自由而举行的最伟大的示威集会。 

100年前,一位伟大的美国人——今天我们就站在他象征性的身影下——签署了《解放宣言》。这项重要法令的颁布,对于千百万灼烤于非正义残焰中的黑奴,犹如带来希望之光的硕大灯塔,恰似结束漫漫长夜禁锢的欢畅黎明。

然而,100年后,黑人依然没有获得自由。100年后,黑人依然悲惨地蹒跚于种族隔离种族歧视枷锁之下。100年后,黑人依然生活在物质繁荣翰海的贫困孤岛上。100年后,黑人依然在美国社会中间向隅而泣,依然感到自己在国土家园中流离漂泊。所以,我们今天来到这里,要把这骇人听闻的情况公诸于众。

从某种意义上说,我们来到国家的首都是为了兑现一张支票。我们共和国缔造者在拟写宪法和独立宣言的辉煌篇章时,就签署了一张每一个美国人都能继承的期票。这张期票向所有人承诺——不论白人还是黑人——都享有不可让渡生存权自由权和追求幸福权。

然而,今天美国显然对她的有色公民拖欠着这张期票。美国没有承兑这笔神圣的债务,而是开始给黑人一张空头支票——一张盖着“资金不足”的印戳被退回的支票。但是,我们决不相信正义的银行会破产。我们决不相信这个国家巨大的机会宝库会资金不足。 因此,我们来兑现这张支票。这张支票将给我们以宝贵的自由和正义的保障。

我们来到这块圣地还为了提醒美国:现在正是万分紧急的时刻。现在不是从容不迫悠然行事或服用渐进主义镇静剂的时候。现在是实现民主诺言的时候。现在是走出幽暗荒凉的种族隔离深谷,踏上种族平等的阳关大道的时候。现在是使我们国家走出种族不平等的流沙,踏上充满手足之情磐石的时候。现在是使上帝所有孩子真正享有公正的时候。

忽视这一时刻的紧迫性,对于国家将会是致命的。自由平等的朗朗秋日不到来,黑人顺情合理哀怨的酷暑就不会过去。1963年不是一个结束,而是一个开端。

如果国家依然我行我素,那些希望黑人只需出出气就会心满意足的人将大失所望。在黑人得到公民权之前,美国既不会安宁,也不会平静。反抗的旋风将继续震撼我们国家的基石,直至光辉灿烂的正义之日来临。

但是,对于站在通向正义之宫艰险门槛上的人们,有一些话我必须要说。在我们争取合法地位的过程中,切不要错误行事导致犯罪。我们切不要吞饮仇恨辛酸的苦酒,来解除对于自由的饮渴。

我们应该永远得体地、纪律严明地进行斗争。我们不能容许我们富有创造性的抗议沦为暴力行动。我们应该不断升华到用灵魂力量对付肉体力量的崇高境界。 席卷黑人社会的新的奇迹般的战斗精神,不应导致我们对所有白人的不信任——因为许多白人兄弟已经认识到:他们的命运同我们的命运紧密相连,他们的自由同我们的自由休戚相关。他们今天来到这里参加集会就是明证。

我们不能单独行动。当我们行动时,我们必须保证勇往直前。我们不能后退。有人问热心民权运动的人:“你们什么时候会感到满意?”只要黑人依然是不堪形容的警察暴行恐怖的牺牲品,我们就决不会满意。只要我们在旅途劳顿后,却被公路旁汽车游客旅社和城市旅馆拒之门外,我们就决不会满意。只要黑人的基本活动范围只限于从狭小的黑人居住区到较大的黑人居住区,我们就决不会满意。只要我们的孩子被“仅供白人”的牌子剥夺个性,损毁尊严,我们就决不会满意。只要密西西比州的黑人不能参加选举,纽约州的黑人认为他们 与选举毫不相干,我们就决不会满意。不,不,我们不会满意,直至公正似水奔流,正义如泉喷涌。

我并非没有注意到你们有些人历尽艰难困苦来到这里。你们有些人刚刚走出狭小的牢房。有些人来自因追求自由而遭受迫害风暴袭击和警察暴虐狂飙摧残的地区。你们饱经风霜,历尽苦难。继续努力吧,要相信:无辜受苦终得拯救。 回到密西西比去吧;回到亚拉巴马去吧;回到南卡罗来纳去吧;回到佐治亚去吧;回到路易斯安那去吧;回到我们北方城市中的贫民窟和黑人居住区去吧。要知道,这种情况能够而且将会改变。我们切不要在绝望的深渊里沉沦。

朋友们,今天我要对你们说,尽管眼下困难重重,但我依然怀有一个梦。这个梦深深植根于美国梦之中。

我梦想有一天,这个国家将会奋起,实现其立国信条的真谛:“我们认为这些真理不言而喻:人人生而平等。”

我梦想有一天,在佐治亚州的红色山岗上,昔日奴隶的儿子能够同昔日奴隶主的儿子同席而坐,亲如手足。 我梦想有一天,甚至连密西西比州——一个非正义和压迫的热浪逼人的荒漠之州,也会改造成为自由和公正的青青绿洲。

我梦想有一天,我的四个小女儿将生活在一个不是以皮肤的颜色,而是以品格的优劣作为评判标准的国家里。

我今天怀有一个梦。

我梦想有一天,亚拉巴马州会有所改变——尽管该州州长现在仍滔滔不绝地说什么要对联邦法令提出异议和拒绝执行——在那里,黑人儿童能够和白人儿童兄弟姐妹般地携手并行。

我今天怀有一个梦。

我梦想有一天,深谷弥合,高山夷平,歧路化坦途曲径通衢,上帝的光华再现,普天下生灵共谒。 这是我们的希望。这是我将带回南方去的信念。有了这个信念,我们就能从绝望之山开采出希望之石。有了这个信念,我们就能把这个国家的嘈杂刺耳的争吵声,变为充满手足之情的悦耳交响曲。有了这个信念,我们就能一同工作,一同祈祷,一同斗争,一同入狱,一同维护自由,因为我们知道,我们终有一天会获得自由。

到了这一天,上帝的所有孩子都能以新的含义高唱这首歌:

我的祖国,可爱的自由之邦,我为您歌唱。这是我祖先终老的地方,这是早期移民自豪的地方,让自由之声,响彻每一座山岗。 如果美国要成为伟大的国家,这一点必须实现。因此,让自由之声响彻新罕布什尔州的巍峨高峰!

让自由之声响彻纽约州崇山峻岭

让自由之声响彻宾夕法尼亚州的阿勒格尼高峰!

让自由之声响彻科罗拉多州冰雪皑皑的洛基山

让自由之声响彻加利福尼亚州的婀娜群峰!

不,不仅如此;让自由之声响彻佐治亚州石山

让自由之声响彻田纳西州的望山!

让自由之声响彻密西西比州的一座座山峰,一个个土丘!

让自由之声响彻每一个山岗

当我们让自由之声轰响,当我们让自由之声响彻每一个大村小庄,每一个州府城镇,我们就能加速这一天的到来。那时,上帝的所有孩子,黑人和白人,犹太教徒和非犹太教徒,耶稣教徒和天主教徒,将能携手同唱那首古老的黑人灵歌:“终于自由了!终于自由了!感谢全能的上帝,我们终于自由了!”

3 、
英文演讲稿

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languished in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. And so we've come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we've come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the "unalienable Rights" of "Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness." It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note, insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds."

But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. And so, we've come to cash this check, a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice.

We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of Now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quicksands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. And those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. And there will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people, who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice: In the process of gaining our rightful place, we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred. We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again, we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force.

The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to a distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny. And they have come to realize that their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom.

We cannot walk alone.

And as we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall always march ahead.

We cannot turn back.

There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We cannot be satisfied as long as the negro's basic mobility is from a smaller ghetto to a larger one. We can never be satisfied as long as our children are stripped of their self-hood and robbed of their dignity by signs stating: "For Whites Only." We cannot be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until "justice rolls down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream."

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. And some of you have come from areas where your quest -- quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive. Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed.

Let us not wallow in the valley of despair, I say to you today, my friends.

And so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia, the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of "interposition" and "nullification" -- one day right there in Alabama little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today!

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, and every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight; "and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed and all flesh shall see it together."

This is our hope, and this is the faith that I go back to the South with.

With this faith, we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith, we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith, we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

And this will be the day -- this will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with new meaning:

My country 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing.

Land where my fathers died, land of the Pilgrim's pride,

From every mountainside, let freedom ring!

And if America is to be a great nation, this must become true.

And so let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire.

Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York.

Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania.

Let freedom ring from the snow-capped Rockies of Colorado.

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California.

But not only that:

Let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia.

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee.

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi.

From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, when we allow freedom ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual:

Free at last! Free at last!

Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!

4 、
课外拓展——美国历史上的种族歧视

战后美国国内的一个尖锐的社会问题是对黑人的种族歧视和压迫。在就业方面存在种族歧视,黑人一般从事笨重的和最受轻视的劳动职业,平均工资只有白人的1/3到1/2,失业比例很高。在教育、住房、交通等方面存在明显的种族隔离。1954年前有17个州及哥伦比亚特区在教育方面存在种族隔离的法律。不少城市住房明显地划分为白人区、黑人区及其他种族区域。交通方面有13个州规定老种族隔离,黑人同白人不能同坐一个车厢,连餐车卧车、厕所、售票口、候车室、行李室、出入口都实行种族隔离,飞机虽然例外,但在机场上也有种族隔离。在许多州,黑人还不能和白人一块读书,同桌吃饭。在政治上,相当多的黑人没有平等的权利,特别是黑人被剥夺了选举权。三开党及其他种族主义者任意逮捕、拷打和残害黑人。 

1947-1956年间,黑人运动主要采取通过法院进行的合法斗争,分散进行,规模很小。

(一)1954年,反对教育中的种族隔离斗争开始揭开序幕。1954年5月17日,最高法院宣布,在公立初等和中等学校实行种族隔离的行为违宪。南部不少州对此极力抵制,到1955年南部17个州的6001个学区中,只有741个学区,允许黑白合校。

1957年9月,在阿肯色州小石城发生白人以武力阻止黑人入学事件,引起黑人强烈抗议。小石城地方法院宣布该市中学接纳黑人入学,秋季开始黑白混校。9月2日,阿肯色州长奥佛尔·福伯斯以“防暴”为名,派200名武装的国民警卫队在中学附近布岗,阻止黑人学生入学。为了避免事态扩大,艾森豪威尔出面干预,要求阿肯色州长作出让步,但遭拒绝。9月23日,在州长挑动下,有1000多白人包围学校,使已入学的8名黑人学生被迫离校。

9月23日当天,艾森豪威尔发布了第3024号文告,宣布:“我将使用美国的全部权力,包括所需的一切武装力量,以阻止任何妨碍法律的行为和实施联邦法院的命令。”9月24日,总统下令派101空降师开赴小石城,先后有1000多名伞兵,并下山令把州警卫队改编为联邦部队,由联邦政府指挥。艾森豪威尔称这是自重建以来,因南部种族问题上对抗中央而导致军事管制的先例。直到11月27日空降师的最后一批部队才撤离小石城。小石城事件是战后黑人运动兴起的标志,它预示着反种族歧视斗争将蓬勃地开展起来。

在小石城时间前后,黑人还开展了反对公共场所和共用事业中种族隔离的斗争。1955年12月初,小马丁·路德·金牧师在蒙哥马利市领导了抵制公共汽车运动,很快波及35个城市。12月1日,黑人女裁衣工罗莎·帕可斯夫人在乘坐蒙哥马利市公共汽车时,因拒绝给白人让坐而被拘留。12月5日法院以“擅占白人专座”、违反隔离法而被判处监禁14天。在金牧师领导下,黑人高举“从今后不要乘坐公共汽车”的标语,抵制公共汽车,经过长期斗争,1956年11月13日,美国联邦最高法院判定,在公共汽车上实行种族隔离,即为违宪

1960年2月1日,在北卡罗来纳州格林斯伯勒的农技学院4名黑人学生在沃尔夫百货公司用餐柜台喝咖啡,白人服务员拒绝提供并要撵走他们,由此促发开展了入坐运动,它很快波及田纳西、南卡落来纳、弗吉尼亚佛罗里达北卡罗来纳各州。其后,又波及其他公共场所。在汽车旅店的走廊上“入睡”,在公园“入游”,在公共图书馆“入馆”,在电影院“入观”,在赌场“入赌”,在土耳其浴室“入浴”。

1961年5月,马丁·路德·金领导了“自由乘车”运动,即运用州际公共汽车推广黑人民权运动。当时黑人激进派领袖马尔科姆·艾克斯主张采取暴力行动,反对金的非暴力抵抗。1963年4月3日起,马丁·路德·金又领导了反对种族隔离,争取自由平等权利的静坐示威运动。金在伯明翰被捕。1963年4月16日,金牧师在狱中写信说:“压迫者决不会自愿地给人以自由,必须由被压迫者起来要求自由。”“对我们的天赋权利和宪法权利,我们已等待了340年”,“黑人心中怨气太多了,失望已太多了,他们要发泄。应当让他们游行,让他们祷告,让他们进行自由乘车运动。”5月1日,示威群众同警察发生了5小时的搏斗。5月2-8日,政府当局先后逮捕了3000多名黑人。5月19-25日,一周内全国黑人较集中的城市发生了40多次示威游行,26日,在洛衫矶、旧金山有5万多人示威,支持黑人的正义斗争。

从5至7月,美国30多州186个城市先后爆发了700起黑人示威。1963年8月28日,黑人团体在马丁·路德·金领导下发动25万人想华盛顿自由进军以争取就业、争取自由。队伍高呼“立即通过有效的民权法案”,“立即取消种族隔离”等口号。金牧师在林肯纪念塔前发表了“我有一个梦想”的著名演说。他说:“我梦寐以求地希望,人人生来平等;我梦寐以求地希望,从前的奴隶的儿子和从前奴隶主的儿子将会像兄弟般地在一张桌子旁坐下来。我梦寐以求地希望,这个国家有一天将不再根据他们的肤色,而是根据他们的品德来评定他们的为人。”

1964年至1968年黑人运动进入武装抗暴阶段。1964年7月18-23日,纽约市莱姆区数千黑人抗议警察枪杀黑人儿童起而同几千名警察搏斗了一昼夜,揭开了斗争的序幕。1964年8月,在新泽西伊利诺伊州宾夕法尼亚州也发生了动乱。马尔科姆·爱克斯主张以武力保护黑人的生命财产和自由权利。他说:美国黑人“以暴力对付暴力,一眼还眼,以牙还牙!”他还说:“非暴力革命这种东西是不存在的。唯一的一种非暴力革命是黑人革命。”1965年2月21日,他在纽约曼哈顿区的奥杜邦舞厅被一名黑人刺杀。